National Democratic Congress and Corruption in Ghana

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Sunday, October 18, 2009

Scancem/Diamond Cement Bribery

Alleged Attempt To Bribe Nana Konadu And Abodakpi – A “Cock And Bull” Story!

Following the publication of the Scancem bribery scandal, various people including former First Lady, Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, apparently one of the characters in the eye of the bull - so far as the story is concerned – tried to make comments challenging the credibility of the story.

Speaking on “Joy FM”, a private radio station in Accra and elsewhere, Nana Konadu submitted to the effect that the bribery allegation made against them – herself, J.J. Rawlings and P.V. Obeng – was because of the monopoly status denied Scancem due to the establishment of a rival cement factory - Diamond Cement, in Aflao.

However, this paper’s investigations have proved Nana Konadu’s assertion as false. According to the records, as at 1991, Government of Ghana’s (GoG’s) share in Ghana Cement Works Ltd. (GHACEM), was 75 percent. The rest 25 percent was held by Scancem of Oslo, Norway, (24.5%) together with Dr. J.A. Addison (0.5%).

By August 12, 1992, Scancem had bought 45 percent shares of the GoG’s 75 percent shares in GHACEM. US$4,074,000.00 was the money the GoG received for the 45 percent shares.

And, before the year 1999 run out, GoG sold the rest of its shares in GHACEM to Scancem for USD 17 million.

However, Diamond Cement (Ghana) Limited received its certificate of incorporation on 3rd August, 1998 and commenced business in April, 2000.

Even then, as our investigations revealed, Diamond Cement at that time had not started manufacturing cement, rather, it started off by importing 30,000 tonnes of cement monthly from Togo, which was distributed to agents for the Ghanaian market.

According to documents sighted by this paper, the company had acquired 30 acres of land at Akporkploe, Aflao, in the Volta Region, for the construction of the factory, which was to start “on 13th June, 2000 and it is anticipated to be completed by August 2001, and production of cement will start in September, 2001”.

Investigations have it that Diamond Cement Ghana Ltd, was registered with the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre (GIPC) and given certificate to that effect on 11th February, 2000.

The address at which the Company could be reached was stated as C/o Mobile House, 4th Floor, 25 Liberia Road, Accra. Location: R.S. Agbenoto & Associates, 4th Floor, Mobile House.

Readers will recall that R.S. Agbenoto was Captain Kojo Tsikata’s counsel at the National Reconciliation Commission’s (NRC’s) hearings. He is a retired army officer of the Legal Directorate.

The company was issued with a Registration Certificate number 80798/0932. The warehouse was located within the yard of West Coast Spinning Industry, Tema, and the factory at Aflao.

There were two foreign shareholders who also constituted the first two directors, who had invested an initial US$ 350,000 as foreign equity.

Readers will recall that the sod-cutting ceremony for the construction of the factory was performed by the then Vice President, Prof. John Evans Atta Mills, on 13 March, 2000.

It will also be recalled that one Henry Ametefe, a former District Chief Executive (DCE) of Ketu in the Volta Region, was heard on “Citi FM”, an Accra-based radio station recently making comments in support of Nana Konadu’s assertions pertaining to the Scancem bribery and monopoly of the cement industry.

According to him (Ametefe), Mr. Dan Abodakpi, a former Minister for Trade in the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government and Member of Parliament (MP) for Keta Constituency, one morning called him and queried him for dragging his (Ametefe’s) feet in the acquisition of land for the construction of the Diamond Cement factory at Aflao.

The ex-DCE said Abodakpi said the GHACEM officials did not like the idea that a rival cement factory was going to be sited in the country – Aflao – and hence they had gone to see Nana Konadu with 500m to stop the construction and operation of the factory.

According to him, Abodakpi said Nana Konadu had turned down the offer.

The ex-DCE said Abodakpi expressed fears that the GHACEM officials could come down to Aflao and bribe the people not to give out any land for the construction of the factory.

Ametefe said Dan Abodakpi’s fears stemmed from the fact that the GHACEM officials had come to see him to stop the construction of the cement factory in Aflao, after they could not influence Nana Konadu to do same.

When we tried to reach the ex-DCE to elaborate on the interview he granted “Citi FM” sometime ago, he refused to make any comment, saying he had nothing to say anymore on the issue since he had already talked to our Editor-In-Chief, Kweku Baako Jnr., who is on leave.

Our Editor-In-Chief, however, told us that in a brief interaction with the ex-DCE over phone, he (DCE) said the bribery attempt happened in March, 2000. The money intended for the bribery was 500m; but the ex-DCE could not say whether it was in cedis or dollars, he rather asked Baako to check from “The Enquirer”, a private newspaper based in Accra, whom he (ex-DCE) had talked to on the matter.

According to Baako, the ex-DCE insisted that the GHACEM officials could not bribe Abodakpi and Nana Konadu. He (ex-DCE) refused to further answer any questions, saying Baako had the tendency of misquoting people in his submissions on radio and television.

You may please turn to page two where we have scanned some supporting documents for your perusal.

Source:
CRUSADING GUIDE

NDC Guru Received £116,000 from Scancem


Crusading Guide -- Despite vehement denials by ex-President Rawlings and his wife Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, that they are innocent of the allegations made against them that they received bribe money in millions of dollars from former officials of the Norwegian cement giant, Scancem, some credible evidence has popped up to indicate that their party - the National Democratic Congress (NDC) – after all, benefited from the cement company to prosecute the 2000 elections.

This paper has laid hands on documents indicating that an ardent lady NDC supporter (name withheld now) led a Ghanaian official of Scancem to obtain £116,000.00 from the Norwegian company to assist the party during the 2000 elections.

The documents indicate that the money was routed through an account belonging to a company owned by a big man in the NDC party. This account is at the Tema branch of The Trust Bank.

The money was then transferred into the account of another big shot of the NDC. This big shot, readers can be assured, is no longer in active politics.

Finally, the money was handed over to another NDC guru, who though is still in politics at the moment, cannot be said to be an NDC ally.

This paper, for now, is withholding identity of all the characters not identified now. Readers will recall that when Scancem ANS took its former African representative, Tor Egil Kjelsaals to court for stealing their money, it turned out that the money was used to secure the monopoly that Scancem attained in the Ghanaian cement industry by the late 1990s.

Rawlings, Nana Konadu, P.V. Obeng – former Adviser to ex-President Rawlings - were mentioned as having been given over $4million. The NDC party and other businessmen were also said to have benefited from the bribery package.

This paper published proceedings of the Asker and Baerum District Court of Norway on the trial of Tor Kjelsaas for pocketing monies intended to bribe African politicians to secure Scancem’s monopoly in the cement industries in some African countries, of which Ghana was one.

The stories, which were first published by the Norwegian widely-circulating newspaper, Dagens Naeringsliv,(DN), quoted Tor Nygaard, the immediate past Managing Director(MD) of Ghana Cement Works Ltd. (GHACEM) - the Ghanaian subsidiary company of Scancem – as saying that they paid bribe monies to politicians, the party in Government and port authorities in order to facilitate efforts at gaining monopoly in the cement industry in Ghana.

Tor Nygaard said they developed special code forms in Ghana for those the monies were paid to.

According to him, payments for individuals were specified with dates and amounts in Ghanaian cedis and American dollars.

Mr. Gerhard Heiberg, another official of Scancem, was reported to have testified on behalf of Tor Kjelsaas who would not be present at the court.

He was reported to have said that “RAWLINGS AND HIS SPOUSE WERE AMONG THOSE WHO RECEIVED CONSIDERABLE PAYMENTS FROM SCANCEM”.

In the wake of the publications of the court proceedings in the Norwegian media and subsequently the Ghanaian media, Gerhard Heiberg granted a Ghanaian private radio station, “Radio Gold,” an interview, denying that the names of the Rawlingses were cited at the Asker Baerum Court.

However, when Kweku Baako Jnr., Editor-In-Chief of this paper, and Gabby Otchere Darko, Editor-In-Chief of “The Statesman”, caught up with Harald Vanvik and Geir Imset, authors of the story on the bribery scandal, in Norway, the two journalists expressed surprise at the turn of events.

According to them, their report on the issue was straight from the court; and before the publication, they had showed the story via email, and the attributions to Heiberg, of which he expressed his approval as being accurate.

“Before we printed the article we sent all the quotes that Heiberg had made during the court hearing to him several days before the article was printed. He (Heiberg) sent us an email confirming what he had said in court and declined to make any further comments on the quotes”, said Vanvik, one of the two Norwegian journalists, to Baako Jnr. and Darko.

This was carried by The Crusading GUIDE of 4th – 10th September, 2007 under the headline: “Fall-outs from The ‘Scancem Bribery Saga’ (After The Trip To Norway – Part One) J.J., WIFE & P.V. CITED IN COURT … Insist Two Norwegian Journalists As They Stand By Their April 21st Story While Exposing Ex-Scancem Top Shot For Lying On ‘Radio Gold’! This paper, however, continues with its investigations. Stay tuned

Source:
Crusading Guide

Scancem Bribed NDC

... and accuses NPP too ? NDC Ex-Minister

The Statesman has in its possession documentary evidence of bank transfers from Scancem, the Oslo-based multinational cement company, through a conduit into the coffers of the National Democratic Congress two months before the 2000 general elections. The evidence include a letter dated October 13, 2000 authorising the transfer, a bank statement confirming the transfer and a signed handwritten letter from a former NDC Minister to the National Chairman of the party confirming the receipt of the money and related matters.

When we confronted the former Minister with the details yesterday, he confessed to the transaction. He, however, added that Scancem routinely bribed political parties. One of such transactions, details of which are with The Statesman, involved about $232,000 (?116,000) to the NDC. The money was transferred into the accounts of a now defunct company in Tema. It was then transferred from that company's account at the Trust Bank to the former Minister's account, details of which are in our possession. $30,000 was also paid in cash to the said former Minister, plus $10,000 in bankers? draft. The Statesman can further disclose that the NDC was led to Scancem by a 'betweener? who is now a diplomat.

Read tomorrow?s edition for more details, including the disclosure of the former Minister who confessed in a tape-recorded interview with The Statesman that the bribery took place. The former Minister, who said he knew nothing about the alleged $4 million bribery scandal before Norway?s appeal court. In that case the one party is claiming he used the money as intended to bribe top government officials, including President Jerry John Rawlings. But, the new owners of Scancem are alleging that the defendant stole the money intended for bribing government officials.

When this matter was put the former Minister yesterday, he said the bribery from Scancem, at least what he knew was for political parties: "It?s not about Rawlings it?s about funding political parties,? he said. The interview took place in our office at Kokomlemle, where he was confronted with the evidence. But, his demeanour gave the impression that the bribery was not viewed as a ?big deal? then.

Source:
The Statesman

Scancem Bribery Scandal: NO APOLOGY TO JJ & WIFE


Crusading Guide --Harald Vanvik and Geir Imset, the two Norwegian journalists who authored the Scancem bribery scandal story in which ex-President Rawlings, his wife, Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings and Mr. P.V. Obeng – former Presidential Advisor to the ex-President – were said to have received bribes in excess of $4m, have denied categorically ever apologizing to “the Rawlingses” for publishing “a false story” against them or retracting what their paper carried.


The two journalists who authored the story for the widely circulated Norwegian newspaper - Dagens Naerinsliv (DN) – in an exchange of text messages with this paper, said they rather expressed regret for not succeeding in their efforts to make contacts with ‘the Rawlingses’ before the publication (story) came out, though they had tried to no avail to get them (Rawlingses) for their side to the story.

“It is not correct. The thing we have regretted is that we were not able to make contact with Mr. Rawlings before we printed the article, although we tried to reach him”, said Geir Imset, in a text message to the Editor-In-Chief (still on leave) of this paper, Kweku Baako Jnr., yesterday, October 15, 2007.

The reaction of the Norwegian journalists comes in the wake of a publication in The Enquirer newspaper of the Monday 15 - Tuesday 16 October, 2007 edition.

The publication was headed “$5m BRIBE: J.J. GETS APOLOGY”, and purported to suggest that the DN had apologized and retracted the publication it made about ‘the Rawlingses’ and Mr. P.V. Obeng on the Scancem bribery scandal, upon a rejoinder ‘the Rawlingses’ had sent to it (DN).

Part of the rejoinder which was carried by The Enquirer, expressed the concern by Mr. Rawlings that the DN reporters did not hear their (Mr. and Mrs. Rawlings’) side of the story, (though they were central to it) and yet went ahead and published it.

“My wife and I, therefore, find it extremely buffling that based on the prominence that we have been given in the general presentation of this report, the journalists did not find it necessary to contact us prior to publishing the report for whatever we might have to say. My wife and I find it difficult to comprehend how such accusations can be made against us by a supposedly reputable newspaper without first verifying the facts or at least talking to us for our side of the story. Why the same journalists, in the further search of the story, had even traveled to Accra, Ghana, where my wife and I still live, and yet did not bother to contact us, can only leave one to speculate”, Rawlings underscored in his rejoinder.

However, coincidentally, when Kweku Baako Jnr. and Gabby Otchere Darko, Editor-In-Chief of The Statesman, met Harald Venvik and Geir Imset in Oslo, Norway, in relation to the Scancem bribery allegation, they asked the same question – why the reaction of ‘the Rawlingses’ to the story was not captured in their report as complained by ‘the Rawlingses’ in their rejoinder.

“Did you make any attempt whatsoever to get in touch with them?”, Gabby asked. Geir Imset replied: I tried to call the party office several times. I tried to call Mr. Rawlings’ party office several times; I called them for three or four days, but I didn’t get any answer. They did not answer any of those phone calls.

According to the two journalists, when they got in touch with P.V. Obeng, they asked him to help them get in touch with ‘the Rawlingses’, but he was unable to do so.

The journalists said they also went to the residence of ‘the Rawlingses’ when they made it to Accra, but could not gain access to it because the gates were firmly closed.

Rawlings in his rejoinder, supposedly doubting the credibility of the story, referred to Garhard Heiberg, one of the Scancem top officials, who according to the DN story, spoke in support of Tor Kjelsaas.

Tor Kjelsaas, readers will recall, was the African representative of Scancem who told his employers that he paid bribes to some African leaders and top politicians in order for Scancem to gain monopoly in the countries concerned.

Gerhard Heiberg went to court to corroborate the claims of Tor Kjelsaas as having paid monies to people like Mr. and Mrs. Rawlings and P.V. Obeng, among others.

Rawlings in reference to Heiberg, said he (Heiberg) had granted an interview to a Ghanaian private radio station where he denied the attribution to him that he had corroborated Kjelsaas’ claim in court that ‘the Rawlingses’ had been mentioned as recipients of bribe money.

Once again, readers will recall that Kweku Baako Jnr., when in Norway, tried to contact Heiberg to ascertain whether it was he who in the Ghanaian radio station (Radio Gold precisely) interview, denied mentioning ‘the Rawlingses’ in the Norwegian court as recipients of the Scancem bribe money.

Heiberg failed to answer Kweku Baako’s question as to whether he was the same person in the Radio Gold interview who denied that ‘the Rawlingses’ were mentioned at the Norwegian court for receiving bribe money from Tor Kjelsaas.

The Asker and Baerum District Court in Oslo, Norway, readers will recall, as was published by this paper and others - based on what the Norwegian DN published - admitted in its judgement in the Scancem International ANS versus Tor Egil Kjelsaas case that bribery of politicians, businessmen and others by ex-Scancem officials really took place in Ghana and other West African countries such as Nigeria and Togo.

AS CARRIED IN THE THE CRUSADING GUIDE OF 23RD – 29TH AUGUST 2007, “THE COURT OBSERVED THAT, ‘THE PARTIES’ - SCANCEM INTERNATIONAL ANS AND TOR EGIL KJELSAAS – AGREED THAT BRIBES WHICH WERE MADE WERE NOT CONTRARY TO NORWEGIAN LAW OR NATIONAL LEGISLATION IN GHANA OR NIGERIA”’.

According to the issue, “Scancem International ANS’s culture of bribery and corruption in Ghana in the 1990s were built around Tor Egil Kjelsaas”, adding that “It was Tor Egil Kjelsaas with contacts in Ghana, who agreed on how much the bribes would be in each case, and who instructed the payments along with another member of staff”.

The 24th – 30th July, 2007 of The Crusading GUIDE under the headline, “Jerry & Wife’s Bribery Scandal ….As captured in The Norwegian ‘DN’ Newspaper”, said “Heiberg noted that considerable sums of money were paid to Rawlings and his wife”.

THE PAPER, QUOTING HEIBERG’S SUBMISSION IN COURT, SAID “RAWLINGS AND HIS SPOUSE WERE AMONG THOSE WHO RECEIVED CONSIDERABLE PAYMENTS FROM SCANCEM”.

Stay tuned.

Source:
Crusading Guide

CORRUPTION IN GHANA WHERE DOES AGYEMANG RAWLINGS STAND?


In contrast to some of its neighbouring West African states, Ghana is a largely stable country, which is presently much less exposed to major security challenges posed by the fall out of civil war or imminent threat of terrorism. The country has witnessed two peaceful transitions of power from one civilian government to another since 2000, at a time when most of its West African neighbours have been unable to hold violence-free elections and remain in highly fragile political states. During his inaugural presidential visit to Africa last July, American President, Barack Obama, chose Ghana as one of his key ports-of-call and hailed the country for the progress it has made in consolidating democracy and promoting good governance. With an evidently successful transition from military to civilian rule, its relatively free press and active civil society, the former-British colony is often viewed as one of West Africa’s most stable and progressive national jurisdictions.


Despite its stability and enviable external image, Ghana is yet to extricate itself from one of Africa’s greatest sorrows: top down corruption and cronyism of the highest order. Corruption is an Africa-wide phenomenon, upon which we have elaborated in a number of our previous briefings on African countries. Most major African corruption scandals tend to involve senior government officials and Western multinationals – an unsavoury alliance which itself usually involves bribes for contracts of one type or another. While neighbouring Nigeria has in recent months been caught up in the gargantuan Nigeria LNG corruption scandal (where an affiliate of the US oil field services giant, Halliburton, admitted in the US courts to having bribed Nigerian officials in excess of hundreds of millions of dollars in order to win multibillion dollar energy contracts), Ghana is this week gripped by the fallout of its own version of Nigeria LNG.

At the end of last month (September 25), in a similar development to the US courts ordering Halliburton to pay multimillion dollar fines for its guilt admission in the Nigeria LNG scandal, a judge at London’s Southwark Crown Court imposed fines of up to £5 million on the British construction firm, Mabey and Johnson, after the company plead guilty to charges of overseas corruption in Ghana and several other countries.

Like Kellogg Brown Root (Halliburton’s affiliate in the Nigeria LNG corruption scandal), Mabey and Johnson (a Reading, UK, based company) has enjoyed a long track record of winning contracts in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and the Caribbean. The company operated in Ghana between 1994 and 2005, winning a number of lucrative bridge building contracts from the government during the mid-1990s. Following last month’s verdict against the company, however, it was revealed that such contracts were won as a result of the bribes paid to Ghanaian government officials in the range of £500,000 (part of total illicit payments of £1 million to foreign politicians in order to secure contracts valued up to £60 million in a host of countries, including Iraq during the regime of Saddam Hussein and the imposition of UN sanctions).

The M&J case, as it has now become dubbed, has caused outrage in Ghana, given that the London court ruling established a who’s who of past and present senior Ghanaian government officials being linked to the bribes doled out by M&J. Some of those cited in last month’s court ruling include Dr Obed Asamoah, a former Foreign Minister and Minister of Justice and Attorney General; Kwame Peprah, a former Minister of Finance; Dr. George Sipa Yankey, Minister of Health; and Alhaji Amadu Seidu, a former Minister of State and former Deputy Minister of Road and Highways. Many see the M&J case as testing the government of Ghana’s president, John Atta Mills, in the way he handles the allegations, as pressure groups within the country are presently calling on a series of resignations by cabinet officials implicated in the scandal. Earlier this week President Mills dispatched his Attorney General, Betty-Mould Iddrisu, to London as part of the government’s efforts to launch a thorough investigation into the M&J case. Many of the officials linked to the case have denied the allegations, however, despite the incriminating evidence established in the London court.

Pressure groups have also urged that Ghana’s former president, Jerry John Rawlings, the great patron of Ghanaian politics, address questions pertaining to his role in the M&J case, given that payments were solicited during his presidency. This has sparked controversy, since Rawlings was Ghana’s public crusader against corruption during the height of his power, chastising many corrupt former-officials in front of crowds of delirious Ghanaians in the 1980s and 90s.

Adding to the drama is the fact that Rawlings’ wife, Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, has also been linked to bribe taking in the M&J case. Such allegations have caused public clashes in the media between supporters of Rawlings and President Mills (who was vice-president under the Rawlings presidency) on the one hand, and pressure groups and the opposition on the other, and has increased tension in a country where social inequality has increased significantly since the transition to democracy and where GDP per capita income remains at barely $US 550 per annum.

It should be added that although Ghana does not appear to face imminent hard security or terrorism related threats, softer security threats including crimes such as drug trafficking, piracy and illegal fishing remain major concerns for the country’s government. Governments in West Africa typically lose millions of dollars in revenue to various forms of trafficking and poaching activities, whilst new oil discoveries in the Gulf of Guinea are bringing with them added threats of maritime terrorism and piracy. A shortfall of maritime security in this area leaves Ghana particularly exposed, and prompted the visit of a US naval vessel to Ghana earlier this year to seek security collaboration with the government in order to combat maritime crime in the country’s territorial waters.

Stuart Poole-Robb

Ghana Briefing: Core Security Challenges, Terrorism and Corruption


In Corruption, Politics, Security

In contrast to some of its neighbouring West African states, Ghana is a largely stable country, which is presently much less exposed to major security challenges posed by the fall out of civil war or imminent threat of terrorism. The country has witnessed two peaceful transitions of power from one civilian government to another since 2000, at a time when most of its West African neighbours have been unable to hold violence-free elections and remain in highly fragile political states. During his inaugural presidential visit to Africa last July, American President, Barack Obama, chose Ghana as one of his key ports-of-call and hailed the country for the progress it has made in consolidating democracy and promoting good governance. With an evidently successful transition from military to civilian rule, its relatively free press and active civil society, the former-British colony is often viewed as one of West Africa’s most stable and progressive national jurisdictions.


Despite its stability and enviable external image, Ghana is yet to extricate itself from one of Africa’s greatest sorrows: top down corruption and cronyism of the highest order. Corruption is an Africa-wide phenomenon, upon which we have elaborated in a number of our previous briefings on African countries. Most major African corruption scandals tend to involve senior government officials and Western multinationals – an unsavoury alliance which itself usually involves bribes for contracts of one type or another. While neighbouring Nigeria has in recent months been caught up in the gargantuan Nigeria LNG corruption scandal (where an affiliate of the US oil field services giant, Halliburton, admitted in the US courts to having bribed Nigerian
officials in excess of hundreds of millions of dollars in order to win multibillion dollar energy contracts), Ghana is this week gripped by the fallout of its own version of Nigeria LNG.

Halliburton Bellaire Boulevard

Halliburton Bellaire Boulevard

At the end of last month (September 25), in a similar development to the US courts ordering Halliburton to pay multimillion dollar fines for its guilt admission in the Nigeria LNG scandal, a judge at London’s Southwark Crown Court imposed fines of up to £5 million on the British construction firm, Mabey and Johnson, after the company plead guilty to charges of overseas corruption in Ghana and several other countries.

Like Kellogg Brown Root (Halliburton’s affiliate in the Nigeria LNG corruption scandal), Mabey and Johnson (a Reading, UK, based company) has enjoyed a long track record of winning contracts in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and the Caribbean. The company operated in Ghana between 1994 and 2005, winning a number of lucrative bridge building contracts from the government during the mid-1990s. Following last month’s verdict against the company, however, it was revealed that such contracts were won as a result of the bribes paid to Ghanaian government officials in the range of £500,000 (part of total illicit payments of £1 million to foreign politicians in order to secure contracts valued up to £60 million in a host of countries, including Iraq during the regime of Saddam Hussein and the imposition of UN sanctions).

The M&J case, as it has now become dubbed, has caused outrage in Ghana, given that the London court ruling established a who’s who of past and present senior Ghanaian government officials being linked to the bribes doled out by M&J. Some of those cited in last month’s court ruling include Dr Obed Asamoah, a former Foreign Minister and Minister of Justice and Attorney General; Kwame Peprah, a former Minister of Finance; Dr. George Sipa Yankey, Minister of Health; and Alhaji Amadu Seidu, a former Minister of State and former Deputy Minister of Road and Highways. Many see the M&J case as testing the government of Ghana’s president, John Atta Mills, in the way he handles the allegations, as pressure groups within the country are presently calling on a series of resignations by cabinet officials implicated in the scandal. Earlier this week President Mills dispatched his Attorney General, Betty-Mould Iddrisu, to London as part of the government’s efforts to launch a thorough investigation into the M&J case. Many of the officials linked to the case have denied the allegations, however, despite the incriminating evidence established in the London court.

Pressure groups have also urged that Ghana’s former president, Jerry John Rawlings, the great patron of Ghanaian politics, address questions pertaining to his role in the M&J case, given that payments were solicited during his presidency. This has sparked controversy, since Rawlings was Ghana’s public crusader against corruption during the height of his power, chastising many corrupt former-officials in front of crowds of delirious Ghanaians in the 1980s and 90s.

Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings

Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings

Adding to the drama is the fact that Rawlings’ wife, Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, has also been linked to bribe taking in the M&J case. Such allegations have caused public clashes in the media between supporters of Rawlings and President Mills (who was vice-president under the Rawlings presidency) on the one hand, and pressure groups and the opposition on the other, and has increased tension in a country where social inequality has increased significantly since the transition to democracy and where GDP per capita income remains at barely $US 550 per annum.

It should be added that although Ghana does not appear to face imminent hard security or terrorism related threats, softer security threats including crimes such as drug trafficking, piracy and illegal fishing remain major concerns for the country’s government. Governments in West Africa typically lose millions of dollars in revenue to various forms of trafficking and poaching activities, whilst new oil discoveries in the Gulf of Guinea are bringing with them added threats of maritime terrorism and piracy. A shortfall of maritime security in this area leaves Ghana particularly exposed, and prompted the visit of a US naval vessel to Ghana earlier this year to seek security collaboration with the government in order to combat maritime crime in the country’s territorial waters.

Stuart Poole-Robb

Rawlings Fingered In Bribe Scandal



A new chapter is about to be opened in the ongoing Mabey & Johnson bribery scandal, as a group of Ghanaians in the United Kingdom & Ireland demand that ex-President Jerry John Rawlings addresses questions pertaining to the debacle. According to the New Patriotic Party (NPP) UK & Ireland branch, since the scandal occurred at a time when Mr. Rawlings was president, it behooves him to “state clearly to the

nation what he knew and what his role in the matter was, including his failure to stop the corrupt officials that he appointed”.

The group, whose members attended the court proceedings leading to the conviction of M&J directors and naming of Ghanaian officials and politicians, mostly NDC Ministers, said former President Rawlings cannot sweep the matter under the carpet since his officials were neck-deep in the scandal.

Even though the scandal took place when Rawlings was in charge of the country, he had absolved himself of any wrongdoing and rather charged President Atta Mills to take action against the persons mentioned in the scandal.

Not less than six leading members of the NDC including the wife of the NDC founder, Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, were mentioned in the bribery scandal.

They were said to have lined their pockets with bribe money amounting to several thousands of British pound sterling.

The British Court stated in its ruling that Dr George Adjah-Sipa Yankey, Minister of Health, took £15,000 as his share of the booty while Alhaji Amadu Seidu, Minister of State at the Office of the President, Osu Castle, pocketed over £10,000 with Dr Ato Quarshie, former Minister of Roads and Highways, collecting a whopping £55,000 in cash.

Other NDC gurus mentioned in the scandal are Kwame Peprah, SSNIT Board Chairman and former Minister of Finance, who incidentally had served prison terms with Dr Yankey over the Quality Grain scandal where over $20million was paid to an American woman for the cultivation of rice at Aveyime in the Volta Region; and Alhaji Baba Kamara, Ghana's High Commissioner designate to Nigeria and former NDC National deputy Treasurer, who was the 'political overseer' of the Ghana Development Fund (GDF), a ghost fund of £750,000 established to support NDC activities.

Turning its attention to the persons mentioned in the scandal, the NPP group called for their immediate dismissal.

Fearing that the reparation of over one million four hundred pounds payable to the Ghana government, which President John Evans Atta Mills expressed his willingness to collect, could be diverted to something unproductive, the group asked that it be put to good use.

When the amount is finally received, Parliament, the grouping asked, should monitor how it is disbursed.

The grouping also showed interest in the investigations which President Mills mentioned soon after the news of the scandal broke, asking the Constitutional Select Committee of Parliament to compel the Attorney General (AG) to commence the necessary probe into the issue.

The media, the NPP grouping asked, should continue to highlight what it describes as the hypocrisy of the NDC government and ex-President Rawlings, “under whose watch this massive scandal of international dimension took place and to ensure that politicians are never again allowed to use our goodwill to line their own pockets.”

Public demonstrations by anti-corruption NGOs, Christian Council and other religious organizations, have been called for by the UK-based pressure group to protest the M & J scandal.

The AG is being asked by it to secure a copy of the judgment from the Southwark Crown Court, with a view to questioning individuals mentioned in the court's judgment without delay.

A Crown Court in the United Kingdom gave a ruling recently against this major British bridge construction company for influencing through bribes, the award of contracts, in a number of countries including Ghana.

Ghanaian public office holders under the Rawlings regime were said to have received various sums of money so Mabey and Johnson could win contracts for bridge construction in the country.

Discussions about the scandal continue to dominate the media landscape.

A new dimension would be added to it when government eventually makes good, its promise of ordering an investigation into the scandal.

It would be recalled that during a programme on air, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice stated that in normal times, the officials should have stepped aside for investigations to go on, but was quick to add that she is awaiting the arrival of the President for the next line of action.

For some political activists, the scandal has provided them with taunting words as they scream to each other “Mabey”, eliciting the sarcastic response of “Johnson”.

Source: Daily Guide

Rawlings Must Make a Date with Teshie Military Range! By Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., Ph.D.

I have been slowly but studiously following the Mabey and Johnson contractual scam with no mean, or small, measure of amusement. Of course, the comical aspect of it all regards less the fact that those self-righteous “revolutionary” executioners of yesteryear have been clinically unmasked for what most Ghanaians have always known them to be – “ 'revolutionary' scam-artists par-excellence” – but the gravely dispiriting fact of the worst of criminal elements of Ghanaian society having successfully conned their way to power for more than a generation and still counting.

And for those of our readers who may just be “tuning in,” the Mabey and Johnson racket regards a family-owned British bridge-building and assembling company that successfully bribed its way into sizable contractual awards with the Ghana Government throughout much of the 1980s and 1990s, during which period the much-touted “incorruptible” Chairman Jerry John Rawlings held the reins of governance.

What makes this particular case more troubling, albeit hardly surprising, is the fact that Mr. Rawlings and his self-righteous goons had ridden to the crest of power under the pontifical banner of “Probity and Accountability,” and in the process summarily executing the main targets of their national revolutionary outrage. Prominent among those executed were, of course, Generals I. K. Acheampong, F. W. K. Akuffo and A. A. Afrifa. And their crime? Something called “Bottom Power.”

In the case of then-long-retired Gen. A. A. Afrifa, we were shortly to learn that the latter had penned a cautionary missive to the leaders of the so-called Supreme Military Council (SMC), admonishing Generals Acheampong and Akuffo of the need to swiftly dispose of the “clinically unbalanced” and “rascally” Flt.-Lt. Rawlings who had then been court-martialed for an abortive coup attempt. The words of the co-architect of the landmark putsch that auspiciously ousted Nkrumah's Convention People's Party (CPP) would turn out to be prophetic when the aforementioned generals and several of their colleagues were lined up at the Teshie Military Range and gunned down like rubber ducklings.

Regarding the summary execution of Gen. Afrifa, some have also suggested that it likely was a premeditated vendetta for the 1967 brutal slaying of General E. K. Kotoka, the lead-architect of the 1966 putsch against the CPP. In brief, observe theorists of the preceding narrative, the Anloga Mafia had long decided that the murder of their beloved kinsman was the veritable handiwork of the Mampong-Krobo gang of Asante supremacists who were loath to the idea of an Ewe minority assuming Ghana's reins of governance. The forensic reality, as amply documented by the sterling likes of Prof. L. H. Ofosu-Appiah, points to a frustrated Ho Mortar Regiment-based Lt. Arthur who, frustrated with his own lack of remarkable progress through the officer ranks of the Ghana Armed Forces (GAF), recruited a few other disgruntled low-ranking officers for the purpose of awarding themselves enviable laurels in the way and manner achieved by Gen. Kotoka and his henchmen.

In the case of Gen. Acheampong, legend has it that his bloodless overthrow of the Progress Party (PP) government of Prime Minister K. A. Busia had so irked the latter's “kinsman”/”clansman,” then-Capt. Boakye-Djan, that the first Ghanaian to be named “Professor” at the University of Ghana had to be promptly avenged. Rumor also had it that so hateful and contemptuous of Dr. Busia had the Nkrumah-leaning Acheampong been that the latter had even been overheard sneering that the serious business of nation-building could not be made light of by having a person of any undeserving Akan sub-ethnic polity lording it over the rest of the country.

Wherever the truth vis-Ă -vis the foregoing lies, Mr. Rawlings' summary execution of his predecessors and professional superiors was solely on the grounds of wanton corruption. His “Housecleaning Exercise” was, therefore, to be envisaged as the “revolution” geared towards the extirpation of governmental corruption once and for all.

Now, though, it turns out that Monsieur Rawlings has corrupted the moral fabric of Ghanaian society far beyond the dream and imagination of any of his June 4 victims. As of this writing (9/28/09), for example, it was being widely reported in the Ghanaian media that the bridge-building – no pun intended here – firm of Mabey and Johnson had bribed quite a remarkable number of the administrative minions of Chairman Rawlings to the whopping tune of at least one-half million pounds sterling.

What the preceding means is that the cost of modular bridges constructed for Ghana by Mabey and Johnson must, in all probability, have been significantly inflated, since the firm's widespread culture of bribery was aimed at guaranteeing it “no-bid contracts,” whereby more cost-effective competitors might have been altogether eliminated from the statutorily mandated contractual bidding process.

Anyway, since the Mabey and Johnson scandal broke, largely as a result of internal auditing by a new management group that has taken over the firm's reins of governance, and in consonance, or compliance, with Britain's anti-terrorism laws, among others, Ghana's President John Evans Atta-Mills has demanded an investigation into the matter. Nothing could be more risible, for the former University of Ghana tax-law professor and vice-president under Chairman Rawlings could not credibly claim to be totally unaware of an integral government culture of routine bribery and “no-bid contracts” that occurred during virtually the entire span of Mr. Rawlings' tenure.

It is also rather amusing that Mr. Rawlings would demand a thorough investigation into the Mabey and Johnson racket, one in which his first lady is reported to have been immersed up to her giraffe's neck. Ironically, at the same time that the presiding judge was in the process of handing down his long-forgone verdict, Mrs. Rawlings was reported to be pontifically lecturing American women on the salient tenets of women's rights at New York University, with President Atta-Mills leashed by the former first couple to a podium on the east-side of town at the United Nations headquarters.

It is also significant to note that just last year, when the SCANCEM-GHACEM scandal broke, regarding the P/NDC's criminal creation of a Scandinavian monopoly in the Ghanaian cement industry, Chairman Rawlings vehemently denied any involvement and even dared his accusers to provide forensic evidence. Well, in the Mabey and Johnson cause cĂ©lèbre, Mr. Rawlings has a prime opportunity to perform hara-kiri, if, indeed, Dzelukope Jeremiah has any sense of self-worth, courage and honor. As our elders say: “The same cudgel used for lambasting Quashigah is also used for lambasting Quashivi.” Still, I am not holding my breath.

*Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., Ph.D., is Associate Professor of English, Journalism and Creative Writing at Nassau Community College of the State University of New York, Garden City. He is a Governing Board Member of the Accra-based Danquah Institute (DI), the pro-democracy think-tank, and the author of 20 books, including “Ghanaian Politics Today” (Atumpan Publications/Lulu.com, 2008). E-mail:okoampaahoofe@aol.com .

Source: Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., Ph.D.

P.V Obeng: I took no bribe

Paul Victor Obeng: My hands are clean.
Paul Victor Obeng: My hands are clean.
I think it is completely false and unfounded. I cannot see the ex-president stooping so low as to do what he is reported to have done. And in any case, it was never discussed in government that we should grant monopoly and no monopoly indeed was granted to SCANCEM.
P.V. Obeng

A former Presidential Adviser under the NDC, Mr. Paul Victor Obeng has denied allegations that he took bribe from a Norwegian Cement Company SCANCEM to facilitate the sustenance of GHACEM's monopoly in Ghana.

An official of SCANCEM previously stationed in Africa who is being prosecuted in Norway for embezzlement is reported to have told the trial court in Norway that he paid over four million dollars into two separate accounts purportedly owned by P.V. Obeng and former First Lady, Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings as bribe.

Media publications from the court proceedings have suggested that P.V Obeng admitted taking over 2 million dollars from the company but explained that it was payment for consultancy services he rendered.

But speaking to Joy News’ Evans Mensah from London, Mr. Obeng denied ever making any such admissions.

“I could have kept the fact that I have done some work for them, but I think that one has to be open, sincere and truthful. Sometime after I left office I set up my consultancy company and indeed I have served various companies in this same kind of capacity, even though some of them have been on short term basis.

“I was approached by this company after I had left office and after I had set up my company in 1997 to be on retainership and to provide consultancy services not just about their perspectives in Ghana but all in Africa. I did this work two clear years after I had left government.”

PV said he was paid by the company either in cash or by cheques, but he was not in a position to tell if the company did establish an account in his name through which it saved or sent money for his payments.

Asked how the company delivered the money meant for his payment, PV said periodically when the SCANCEM officials came down for board meetings with GHACEM, he held appraisal meetings with them on their portfolio here and other matters, and if any payment was due that was ‘when they did it’.

PV said he would not know what motivated the SCACEM CEO to allege that he was paying bribes to him and Nana Konadu. “I really honestly would not know why he would say a thing like this.”

Told that the suspect says he paid the money to him, Nana Konadu and ex-President Rawlings so the company’s monopoly in the production and distribution of cement in the country would be sustained, PV said it was completely false.

“I think it is completely false and unfounded. I cannot see the ex-president stooping so low as to do what he is reported to have done. And in any case, it was never discussed in government that we should grant monopoly and no monopoly indeed was granted to SCANCEM.”

PV told Joy News his consultancy for the company was to assess policy direction and advise on how it affected their operations so they could make the necessary adjustments and also putting his ears on the ground for complaints and measures to address them, as well as human resource positions.

Source:www.myjoyonline.com

The M&J Saga, Rawlings And Wife Are 'Guilty' Too.



The NDC dreaded 25th September upon us and the Political fallout is yet to hit them, but folks, believe me, this is a corruption case that even murderer Rawlings is not going to escape without some wounds inflicted on him and his Accountability and probity nonsense being called into question. If Rawlings was really in control of his administration, how come he didn't know what was going on right under his nose? Rawlings was in the loop on this corruption case and the British Government is shielding him to avoid the Political upheaval that might descend on our country if he is named, why do I believe that?' The eating is in the pudding'.

Let's examine the court ruling that came out on September 25th, 2009

"114. The role of Baba Kamara and his value as an agent to M&J is made clear in a document authored by a M&J executive, probably prior to July 1996, and sent to Director A; Director B; Director C and Director E. The document is entitled 'Ghana Review of existing Agent and introduction of alternative Agent' .

WHY IS M&J SWITCHING FROM KWAME OFORI, THE FOUNDER OF THE EAGLE PARTY TO KAMARA? HERE IS THE ANSWER;

"He is the NCE (sic) Treasurer and also the political overseer for the Ministry of Roads and Highways. He is a member of the all powerful NDC Finance Committee which includes Kwame Peprah (Minister of Finance and Minister of Mines and Energy), Obed Asamoah (Justice Minister and Foreign Minister) and Mrs Rawlings amongst others"

M&J switched to Kamara because of the influence he had at that time, he was working closely with the named individuals who wielded a lot of power at that time. Mrs Rawlings in particular was very attractive to the M&J Directors because of the total influence she has over her husband, a murderous Dicatator who was feared because of the way he treated his own Vice President, beating a 68 year old man who he outweight at leats hundred pounds and twenty years older. Let's get back to the M&J issue and tie Rawlings and his wife into it.

"115. Additionally, Mr. Kamaras wife was secretary to the then President of Ghana - the former Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings, who had originally achieved power by means of a military coup in 1981. Unsurprisingly, a person in the position of influence of Mr. Kamara was an attractive prospect to M&J as agent for their business in Ghana,"

This Kamara guy might end up being the key in solving Rawlings hidden millions. His wife was secretary to the goon who was the President at the time and this did not skip the minds of the M&J Executives who found in him the avenue to reach the top echelon of the NDC administration. Below is an important quote and forumers who are should examine it carefully as what the intended person the M&J really wanted to entrap. The most important word in that sentence is "DEPLOYED". If Kamara is the final arbitor in this coruption scheme, the who is he supposed to deploy some of the corruption money to?

"that M&J knew and intended that commission paid to Mr. Kamara would be deployed as and when required to corruptly promote M&J commercial interests."

Mabey and Johnson Executives have been dishing out monies to some Ministers and top Civil servants without any assitance, why do they now need a middleman to 'deploy' some of their bribery money ? Somebody is trying to get a pie of this money but don't want their names to be involved. Did Rawlings talk to his secretary to talk to the husband? Your guess is as good as mine. We all know about Rawlings corrupt stories emanating from Nigeria and his interest in that country, how come this KAMARA guy is now the GHANA AMBASSADOR to NIGERIA? Who got that guy that Nigeria gig? Is he being sent there to watch Rawlings interest in that country?

Rawlings, the cognoscente of Probity and Accountability is going to be exposed as a corrupt individual because of his penchant for logorrhea. Rawlings profanity tirades laced with pure hatred for the person of former President Kuffour when he make his speeches in foreign countries would be his downfall. He escaped with the Scancem millions including the 17 million check his wife took from Scancem officials. The next company the government of Ghana should talk to the British SFO to look into as far as Ghana is concerned is the BiWater company whose officials are alleged to have paid for the education of Rawlings Somali adopted children in exchange for a contract in Ghana.

The Person of interest in this saga is Kamara and President Mills should not send him to Nigeria as our Ambassador until we found out from him who else benefitted from this corruption scheme. The other important person who could have been of help is the KWAME OFORI guy who is dead. The Kamara guy and his wife should be protected now before they meet the same fate as Kwame Ofori. The M&J paid 470,000 pounds in bribes in Ghana to win a 20 million pounds contract. So far some names have come ot with how much each received. Out of this 470,000 pounds, only about 115,000 pounds is accounted for, who received the 355,000 pounds balance? President MILLS, that is the question Ghanaians need an answer to.

sarpongjustice@ymail.com

SARPONG JUSTICE

TEXAS


TEXAS

Ghana: Did Rawlings and PV Obeng accept bribes from Norway in the 1990s?



There is a case that has been going on in Asker and Baerum High Court in Norway since October 20, 2005 but has hardly made even a whisper in Ghana. Yet, as you will shortly see, it is very explosive and revealing in its implications and scope. First some disclaimers- The writer obtained an English translation of a Norwegian investigative report titled “Gr?seme- Svartepenger” (Gray Cement-Black Money- published in DN Magasinet 21/22 April 2007). It is written by Geir Imset and Harald Vanvik.

The purpose of this article is to share information going
on thousands of miles away from our country that features significant people in Ghana’s young political history. I leave you, the reader, to draw your own conclusions. The case is brought against one Tor Egil Kjelsaas by his employer for theft. He was stationed in Africa representing a Norwegian cement company’s interests. No African is named as a defendant but the details of how a foreign corporation bribes its way at Africa’s highest levels emerges from the court proceedings and unfortunately some very familiar Ghanaian names are highlighted in uncomplimentary ways as principal players. Here we go.

Let us start with the familiar – we know GHACEM, the cement company with plants in Tema and Takoradi that for many years was the sole manufacturer of cement in Ghana. GHACEM is owned by SCANCEM that until 1999 was owned by Norwegian investors. Take another look at the article’s title and the choice of colors gives away the theme. Obviously cement is gray in color but what money is black? Since the 1960s, Scancem has controlled cement production in Ghana, Liberia, Togo, Tanzania, Congo, Sierra Leone, Niger and Gabon often as a monopoly. As we herald the discovery of oil as ushering in “black gold”, Scancem has been harvesting money from black Africa for the sale of cement as the continent builds up after independence. Something else connotes “black money”- bribery to African leaders to protect Scancem ( in the case of Ghana, GHACEM’s) monopoly status- forget the result that the countries end up paying non-competitively high prices for bags of cement and inflation ravages their economies.

You have waited enough and so here is the juice. I quote a few paragraphs from the investigative report – Gray Cement- Black Money. The document is extensive and discusses bribery at the highest levels in Ghana, Togo and Nigeria. Togo’s former President GnassigbĂ© Eyadema is dead and so cannot defend himself. Perhaps Ghana’s former President John J. Rawlings, his wife and his one time “second in-command” (referred to variously in the article as Vice President/Premier/Presidential Adviser), Mr. Paul Victor (PV) Obeng, can shed light on this issue beyond the usual repudiation of the entire story. As for Nigeria, we do not have enough paper so we shall concentrate on our dear Ghana since we all paid some of this alleged bribe in the form of high cement prices. When this in turn caused the runaway inflation in Ghana in the 1990s, we were all made poorer.

From the court proceedings we read: “Scancem’s accounts contain vouchers that tell their own story. In the mid 1990s, there were two anonymous bank accounts in Unibank SA in Luxembourg and Barclays Bank SA in Geneva, Switzerland that were earmarked for Ghana. Considerable sums were paid in dollars from Scancem’s headquarters in Oslo. From 1993 to 1998 a total of US 1,690,000 dollars was transferred to the account in Barclays Bank. A total of US 2,460,000 dollars was paid into the Unibank account during the same period.

Who received them? Scancem’s management at the time believed the Barclays money, as intended went to President John Jerry Rawlings’ wife, Nana Rawlings, and that the Unibank money went to “Vice President” Paul Victor Obeng”

But how did such large sums allegedly go to Mrs Rawlings and PV without them being named as co-conspirators with Tor Egil Kjelsaas in the court case? Perhaps Scancem’s man based in Accra, who certainly would be a courier for these payments can help us and during his testimony Tor Nygarrd said:

“It is clear that bribery was behind it all. We paid politicians, the party and the port authorities. Because the payments were of a sensitive nature for the recipients, a special coded form was developed in Ghana for who had received the money. The form was entitled “Special Payments.” Each recipient had his own number code. The form operates with a total of 14 such codes. The individual payments for each individual recipient are specified with the date and amount in Ghanaian cedi and American dollars”

Another official based in Ghana, Gerhard Heilberg added in testimony: “Rawlings and his spouse were among those who received considerable payments from Scancem”. And yet another official, Per G. Jacobsen, Scancem’s former finance chief said of the bribery in Ghana and Africa: “Cash was a practical way of doing it.”

Believe it or not, Tor Egil Kjelsaas was found not guilty in a ruling on September 6, 2006. The court commented on the problems of evidence as follows:

“It is part of the nature of the culture of bribery that it will not be possible to trace this, either by the tax authorities or by those for whom those receiving the money are acting or working. As such it is impossible to provide proof by the party handing over the money in cash that the money actually has been handed over.”

Did anyone try to contact any of the people alleged to have received the considerable payments by Scancem in Ghana to remove any unjustified cloud? Yes. Let us listen in on some exchanges with PV Obeng as reported in “Gray Cement Black Money”

In 1998 then Managing Director of Scancem, Cato Holmsen in his own inquiry talked to PV on the phone and “Obeng confirmed that the money had been paid as agreed” On March 23, 2007, the authors of the document tried to interview PV in Ghana and he clung to his mobile phone and told them “This is not an interview- I have answered the questions in writing!”

In the non-interview, PV was asked what he did for the millions he received from Scancem in the 1990s. He responded: “ I supplied them with information on the prevailing framework conditions at any given time for running a business, and updated them on political changes relating to the government” With specific reference to the court case in Norway regarding allegation of corruption and bribery, Mr, Obeng said: “I am aware of this court case, but because this is an ongoing case, I must therefore decline to comment. I hope you understand my position.

There you have it. Did they or didn’t they? You be the judge. The new owner of Scancem, the Heidelberg Group of Germany, has appealed the Norwegian court decision. Fasten your seat belts for who knows what else may drop on my desk? This is what happens in a global technologically driven village- no secret is safe and we thank God for our poor country’s sake.

By: Kofi A. Boateng, New York

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